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By Gregory White

Examines how emerging financial integration with Europe affects Tunisia and Morocco.

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Extra resources for A Comparative Political Economy of Tunisia and Morocco: On the Outside of Europe Looking in

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In the 1930s, however, a reconstituted neo-Destour surfaced with Bourguiba as its leader. And it was Bourguiba who would lead the independence struggle against the French in the 1950s, largely by marshaling the support of the General Union of Tunisian Workers (UGTT), affluent landowners of the fertile coastal region, and a small, indigenous commercial class. The passage to independent rule in the 1950s enhanced the neo-Destour’s secular, pro-Western inclination with Bourguiba’s successful defeat of a chal- A Political Economy of Tunisia and Morocco 35 lenge from Salah Ben Youssef and his supporters.

In the early 1980s, world phosphate prices dropped drastically. 17 Supported by the World Bank and by the IMF, the reforms were unstable in their early years. By late 1986, however, the IMF was squarely behind Rabat’s efforts to pursue economic reform. Washington also strongly supported Rabat after Hassan’s decision in August 1986 to abrogate a 1984 union with Libya. In July 1987, Hassan formally applied to the European Community for membership. Although the European Commission promptly rejected the application, A Political Economy of Tunisia and Morocco 33 Hassan’s gesture demonstrated Morocco’s realization of the need for an infitah, however grudging, toward Europe.

42 In his study of “embedded autonomy,” for example, Evans argues that a state must be “insulated,” in Weber’s terms, to be able to conduct a development strategy. At the same time, it must also be “embedded” in society—that is, possess close ties with societal actors—to be effective in ensuring cooperation. 44 This analysis locates the state at this junction and, therefore, focuses on the character of the state’s relationship with the external and internal dimensions. 45 Although the Janusfaced image is helpful as an initial metaphor, the state is much less purposive, unitary, and omniscient than a single-headed, two-faced godlike conception 18 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK conveys.

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