By Gary A. Mullen
Within the minds of many severe theorists, Theodor W. Adorno epitomizes the failure of severe idea to supply any concrete counsel for political perform. His identify is sort of synonymous with the retreat of the innovative highbrow from the creeping totalitarianism of up to date mass democracy. This booklet endeavors to disrupt this false impression via providing an in depth analyzing of Adorno’s philosophical war of words with the Holocaust and the fashionable conceptions of heritage, morality and subjectivity which are complicit in genocide. by way of rethinking the connection among cause and remembrance, morality and materiality, mimesis and political violence, Adorno’s paintings deals not just incisive feedback of contemporary political rules and associations, it additionally indicates us intimations of a special political practice.
“Gary Mullen offers a lively protection of Adorno’s oft-maligned try to carry serious idea to undergo at the heritage of eu domination. via getting to the eschatological deep constitution of Adorno’s philosophical venture, Mullen deftly counters the preferred interpretation of Adorno as a lapsed (and possibly jaded) champion of cause and enlightenment. As portrayed through Mullen, in truth, Adorno is correctly understood as calling for an intensification of the undertaking of ecu enlightenment and as directing the serious strength of cause towards the particularity of human discomfort. As Mullen ably demonstrates, the normative strength of Adorno’s contribution to severe concept derives from his candid war of words with the Holocaust, which, Adorno believed, obliges us to re-think the character and buy of political judgment. this is often a magnificent, pressing, and deeply humane ebook. Adorno on Politics should be a useful source for college students and students alike.” —Daniel Conway, Texas A&M collage
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Additional resources for Adorno on Politics after Auschwitz
21–22. 12. In Gillian Rose’s work on Adorno, it is argued that Adorno’s work is largely a continuation of Marx’s critique of commodity fetishism (see Gillian Rose, The Melancholy Science: An Introduction to the Thought of Theodor W. Adorno [London: MacMillan Press, 1978]). Adorno also makes this clear in Against Epistemology: “The analogy is inevitable with vulgar economic thought, which attributes value to goods in themselves and does not determine it through social relations. The mathematical method is artificial only in that it does not provide thought with self-awareness.
99; Gesammelte Schriften III, p. 78. 23. Ibid. 24. , p. 79; Gesammelte Schriften III, p. 120. 25. , p. 79; Gesammelte Schriften III, pp. 120–121. 26. Habermas’s interpretation of Adorno is discussed at length in chapter 5. Habermas draws parallels between Adorno and Nietzsche in “The Entwinement of Myth and Enlightenment” in The Philosophical Discourse of Modernity. In general, Habermas characterizes Adorno as an heir and victim of Nietzsche’s attack on modernity. 27. Cf. Nietzsche’s distinction between noble and base suffering, Beyond Good and Evil, p.
102. 7. This mistaken position is espoused by Paul Connerton: “What was criticized in Marx as an apotheosis of history is transformed by Adorno into a ‘diabolization’ of history. What was condemned in Hegel is once more turned on its head: radical evil— Evil as such—is promoted to the status of the World-Spirit. The history of salvation is replaced by the history of damnation” (Paul Connerton, The Tragedy of Enlightenment: An Essay on the Frankfurt School [Cambridge: MIT Press, 1980], p. 114). Martin Jay exposes the faultiness of this reading: “[A]lthough the burden of Adorno’s argument is that history is a ‘Satanic’ process of worsening oppression, he did occasionally evince a guarded hope for the sudden reversal of this trend.