By Elyssa Faison
On the flip of the 20th century, Japan launched into a challenge to modernize its society and undefined. For the 1st time, younger jap girls have been persuaded to go away their households and input the manufacturing unit. Managing ladies focuses on Japan's interwar cloth undefined, studying how manufacturing facility managers, social reformers, and the country created visions of a in particular jap femininity. Faison reveals that woman manufacturing unit employees have been built as "women" instead of as "workers" and that this womanly perfect used to be used to boost labor-management practices, inculcate ethical and civic values, and improve a method for holding union actions and moves. In an built-in research of gender ideology and ideologies of nationalism and ethnicity, Faison exhibits how this discourse on women's salary paintings either produced and mirrored anxieties approximately women's social roles in sleek Japan.
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Extra info for Managing Women: Disciplining Labor in Modern Japan
The second purpose was to promote a newly imagined middle-class vision of Japanese womanhood among female employees who were expected to marry and leave the company within a few years of their initial employment. From Home Work to Corporate Paternalism 19 Part of the reason for the difference in educational facilities for males and females—in addition to the company emphasis on treating female employees more as women and future mothers than as labor—has to do with their relative ages and educational background upon entering the company.
Managing morality The instruction offered by the cultivation groups and other factory programs intended not only to provide female factory workers with guidance in achieving respectable womanhood and the limited degree of literacy required to do so, but also to prevent the fall into sexual depravity to which working-class girls from poor families were thought to be so susceptible. The journalist and social researcher Yokoyama Gennosuke had juxtaposed the image of the female factory worker as ideal wife and mother with the specter of her sexual impropriety as early in 1899.
Nor are they able to even cook meals! ”36 Thirty years after Yokoyama voiced his concerns for the chastity and femininity of women working in the textile industry, the sexual corruption into which female factory workers could so easily fall still sat uneasily beside the image of wifely virtue fostered by company managers. Where Yokoyama had blamed lapses of sexual propriety on the practice of night work, Ishigami Kinji blamed them on the absence of night work. ”37 The concern for “public morals” betrayed a preoccupation with the problem of female sexuality not limited to members of the managerial class, but encompassing a wide array of social reformers, politicians, and social scientists.