By Paul V. Kroskrity, Margaret C. Field
Ideals and emotions approximately language fluctuate dramatically inside of and throughout NativeAmerican cultural teams and are an stated a part of the approaches oflanguage shift and language demise. This quantity samples the language ideologiesof a variety of local American communities—from the Canadian Yukon toGuatemala—to express their position in sociocultural transformation.These stories soak up such energetic concerns as “insiderness” in Cherokee languageideologies, contradictions of space-time for the Northern Arapaho, languagesocialization and Paiute identification, and orthography offerings and language renewalamong the Kiowa. The authors—including individuals of indigenous speech communitieswho perform language renewal efforts—discuss not just NativeAmericans’ wakeful language ideologies but in addition the often-revealing relationshipbetween those ideals and different extra implicit realizations of language useas embedded in group practice.The articles speak about the impression of up to date language concerns similar togrammar, language use, the relation among language and social identification, andemergent language ideologies themselves in local American speech communities.And even if they painting seen edition in attitudes towards languageacross groups, in addition they display commonalities—notably the emergentideological means of iconization among a language and diverse national,ethnic, and tribal identities.As fewer local american citizens proceed to talk their very own language, thistimely quantity presents beneficial grounded reports of language ideologies inaction—those indigenous to local groups in addition to these imposed byoutside associations or language researchers. It considers the emergent interactionof indigenous and imported ideologies and the ensuing influence on languagebeliefs, practices, and struggles in today’s Indian nation because it demonstratesthe useful implications of spotting a multiplicity of indigenous languageideologies and their impression on history language upkeep and renewal.
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Additional info for Native American Language Ideologies: Beliefs, Practices, and Struggles in Indian Country
In her discussion of Mayan communities Reynolds also argues that models for language shift reversal, both academic and Pan-Mayan, often undertheorize or ignore entirely the agency and power of children in the process of language shift. As sociolinguistic and language socialization research has shown, caregivers are not the only sources of input for children’s developing language ideologies (Field 1998 and this volume; Hill 2002). Children as a peer group may have their own norms for interaction that may differ from those of their parents (Field 1993), although these norms may be far from conscious.
Often speak fairly good English quite freely, and in general also speak either Spanish . . or Navajo, or both; the Navajo do not speak Ute. (Reed 1944:145–46) The noted scholar of Navajo language and culture Father Bernard Haile also came to a similar conclusion: ‘‘Pueblo contact has not inﬂuenced Navajo to a noticeable degree, while Spanish elements are comparatively few, and English elements practically none’’ (1941:1). W. W. Hill, writing on southwestern trading practices, offered the following anecdotal observation along similar lines: ‘‘Language barriers were of little importance, though mention was made by the Navajo that some of the Ute and Pueblo spoke Navajo and acted as interpreters.
Possibly less widely noted is the fact that the Navajo do not generally speak other native Southwestern languages. Pueblo Indians are noted linguists. . I have been addressed in Navajo by Acomas and Hopis . . [but] I do not recall having heard a Navajo who has retained Navajo culture and attitudes speak any Pueblo language or anything approaching ﬂuent Spanish. . Southern Utes . . often speak fairly good English quite freely, and in general also speak either Spanish . . or Navajo, or both; the Navajo do not speak Ute.