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By Anthony Butler

Examining the corruptive results that cash could have on politics, this publication explores the demanding situations of social gathering investment reform in South Africa. With enter from best analysts, lecturers, and reporters, key controversies in social gathering finance reform—including one-party dominance, party-controlled companies, corruption, and public financing—are analyzed. Thorough and candid, this account highlights the intricacies of up to date South African politics.

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Perhaps most importantly, detailed reporting requirements were now put in place and the Federal Elections Institute was endowed with investigative and sanctioning powers. 2 per cent of public funding in 1997, it accounted for a reported 44 per cent of total party financing. indb 43 2010/10/06 12:15 PM P ay i n g for Politics and the PRD took 14 per cent. Media coverage was similar, with the PRI taking up 34 per cent of all air time and the challengers each taking 20 per cent. In reality, the PRI had a somewhat larger advantage because the President’s secret budget still contained an average of US$61 million per year from 1994 to 1997.

Data for 2000 are candidate coverage in the two main news shows from IFE. See C. Lawson ‘Television Coverage,Vote Choice, and the 2000 Campaign’ in J. Domínguez and C. ), Mexico’s Pivotal Democratic Election (Stanford CA: Stanford University Press, 2004), 189. indb 40 2010/10/06 12:15 PM P a rt y finance in Mexico half was dispersed on the basis of the share of seats won in either the plurality district races or the multi-member districts. The Secretary of the Interior decided which method to use for the latter half.

The PRI used its dominant position to lock in advantages either by omitting finance regulations or by designing them in its favour. Table 1 summarises the most important features of campaign finance laws from 1929 to 2000. Until 1962 there was no public campaign funding, no regulation of private donations, no reporting requirements, no oversight of party financing and, amazingly, no prohibition against government agencies contributing to political campaigns. Thus, in the 33 years following the initiation of single-party dominance, the PRI’s advantages were absolute.

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