By Takeyuki Tsuda
Because the overdue Nineteen Eighties, Brazilians of jap descent were "return" migrating to Japan as unskilled international staff. With an immigrant inhabitants presently expected at approximately 280,000, eastern Brazilians are actually the second one biggest workforce of foreigners in Japan. even supposing they're of eastern descent, such a lot have been born in Brazil and are culturally Brazilian. hence, they've got develop into Japan's most recent ethnic minority.Drawing upon with regards to years of multisite fieldwork in Brazil and Japan, Takeyuki Tsuda has written a entire ethnography that examines the ethnic reviews and reactions of either eastern Brazilian immigrants and their local eastern hosts. in line with their socioeconomic marginalization of their ethnic place of origin, jap Brazilians have bolstered their Brazilian nationalist sentiments regardless of turning into contributors of an more and more well-integrated transnational migrant group. even if such migrant nationalism permits them to withstand assimilationist eastern cultural pressures, its problem to eastern ethnic attitudes and ethnonational id continues to be inherently contradictory. Strangers within the Ethnic native land illuminates how cultural encounters as a result of transnational migration can strengthen neighborhood ethnic identities and nationalist discourses.
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Extra info for Strangers in the Ethnic Homeland
As Gerald Berreman remarks (1972:lvi), “The nature of [the anthropologist’s] data is largely determined by his [social] identity as seen by his subjects” (cf. Cicourel 1964:42). 6 As a result, ﬁeldworkers must engage in a constant “presentation of self” and “impression management” in an at- 5Kondo also recognizes that despite attempts to transcend the self/society binary, the distinction insidiously persists (1990:37). 6Horowitz’s (1989) and Whitehead’s (1986) discussions of their personal ﬁeld experiences are good illustrations of this point.
Ewing 1990). The individual’s various self-identities usually exist in a preconscious state outside immediate awareness (cf. Erikson 1980 :127) until they are brought to consciousness by external social pressures and enacted in behavior. 18 This enables individuals to engage contradictory selves in different social contexts without experiencing overt self-conﬂict and dissonance. However, the constant switching of identities that is sometimes involved in ﬁeldwork can threaten the individual’s ability to maintain a sense of cohesion and continuity in the self.
In fact, Japanese hi-seishain employed in a similar manner experienced the same social isolation at Toyama that the nikkeijin did. Therefore, my blue uniform constantly felt like a stigma that branded me not only as a nikkeijin foreigner but also as an outside employee who could not be socially accepted as part of the ﬁrm. My lack of acceptance was probably exacerbated by the fact that the Toyama workers in my section were considered heisateki (closed, exclusionary) even by Japanese workers from other sections.