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By Professor John M. Hobson

John Hobson claims that all through its background so much foreign thought has been embedded inside a variety of types of Eurocentrism. instead of generating value-free and universalist theories of inter-state relatives, foreign idea in its place presents provincial analyses that remember and protect Western civilization because the topic of, and excellent normative referent in, global politics. Hobson additionally offers a sympathetic critique of Edward Said's conceptions of Eurocentrism and Orientalism, revealing how Eurocentrism takes assorted kinds, which might be imperialist or anti-imperialist, and exhibiting how those have performed out in overseas idea due to the fact 1760. The booklet therefore speaks to students of diplomacy and in addition to all these attracted to knowing Eurocentrism within the disciplines of political science/political conception, political economy/international political financial system, geography, cultural and literary reports, sociology and, no longer least, anthropology.

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It is this interventionist assimilationist rationale – one that intentionally strips the identity of Eastern societies so as to reconfigure them along more ‘progressive’ Western lines – that can be defined as a key aspect of imperialism and neo-imperialism. But in turn, what above all underpins this assimilationism is perhaps the key property that links modern neo-imperialist theory with much of its traditional ancestors (represented in Boxes 2 and 3) – the idea of international paternalism. Turning now to consider Boxes 5 and 6, I argue that these thinkers embrace international paternalism as a discourse of benevolence rather than of exploitation or oppression, where the intervening subject acts ‘on behalf of’ the weak/inferior object in ways that are allegedly closed to the latter.

C. L. R. James (1938/1980) and Eric Williams (1944). For a much fuller discussion here see Krenn (1999); Vitalis (forthcoming). Note that these aforementioned scholars provided a different critique of racism to that which was made by various white Eurocentric institutional thinkers (including John Hobson, Norman Angell and Leonard Woolf). 18 chapter 1: introduction non-Western world onto a more progressive Western path of liberal capitalism and democracy. And he added, answering a braver questioner than I, that if this smacked of neo-imperial interventionism, then better this than the alternative ‘politics of malign neglect’,21 that would merely deny the backward East the privilege of developing into an advanced Western form!

But in turn, what above all underpins this assimilationism is perhaps the key property that links modern neo-imperialist theory with much of its traditional ancestors (represented in Boxes 2 and 3) – the idea of international paternalism. Turning now to consider Boxes 5 and 6, I argue that these thinkers embrace international paternalism as a discourse of benevolence rather than of exploitation or oppression, where the intervening subject acts ‘on behalf of’ the weak/inferior object in ways that are allegedly closed to the latter.

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