By Virginia Parks
Drawing totally on information from the l. a. area, Parks (geography, U. of Chicago) analyzes the spatial features of immigrant exertions markets in gentle of gendered adjustments, ethnic networks, residential context, and the positioning of immigrant neighborhoods when it comes to the positioning of immigrant employment. A principal query to the examine is whether or not spatial accessibility concerns for immigrant employment on the intraurban scale, or no matter if ethnic networks (social accessibility) override intraurban geographic constraints on activity seek and commuting. The textual content additionally examines the influence of spatial activity accessibility on immigrant women's judgements to go into the hard work marketplace, and no matter if position issues extra for people with young ones and better ties to domestic.
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Extra resources for The Geography of Immigrant Labor Markets: Space, Networks, and Gender
Local experience or place-based knowledge can be seen as central to the spatial segmentation of labor markets (1995, pp. 115-116). Unraveling the interplay of these constitutive influences on immigrant local labor markets requires an approach informed by an understanding of social networks gleaned from economic sociology and an understanding of socio-spatial processes gleaned from economic geography. This page intentionally left blank CHAPTER 3 Mapping Immigrant Residence and Work Available data have limited the investigation of fine-grained spatial processes that connect home and work.
The ethnic enclave hypothesis claims that these higher returns to skill stem from the rewards of “bounded solidarity and enforceable trust” enjoyed by workers employed by fellow coethnics (Portes and Zhou 1992). While ethnic networks may constrain immigrants’ job searches to enclave employment, the outcome is seen as beneficial in terms of returns to skill—a dramatically different theorized outcome than that of the spatial entrapment hypothesis for women. In its original formulation, the ethnic enclave hypothesis draws upon labor market segmentation theory and addresses the effects of the place of work on workers’ returns to skill (Wilson 1980).
Match this information to the characteristics of the neighborhood she lives in (as well as locate this neighborhood geographically), and finally to match all of this information to information about the characteristics of her workplace tract (as well as locate this workplace tract geographically). Unless otherwise noted, I utilize this data set throughout the study to analyze the workplace-neighborhood relationships of immigrants in Los Angeles. To ensure large enough cell sizes for modeling, the study focuses on the Los Angeles consolidated statistical metropolitan area (CSMA)—the five counties of Los Angeles, Orange, Riverside, San Bernardino, and Ventura.