Download The Maker of Modern Japan: The Life of Tokugawa Ieyasu by A. L. Sadler PDF

By A. L. Sadler

Tokugawa Ieyasu based a dynasty of rulers, geared up a method of presidency and set in teach the re-orientation of the faith of Japan in order that he could take the greatest position in it. Calm, able and fully fearless, Ieyasu intentionally introduced the competition to a head and overwhelmed in a decisive conflict, and then he made himself Shogun, regardless of now not being from the Minamoto extended family. He equipped the japanese felony and academic structures and inspired exchange with Europe (playing off the Protestant powers of Holland and England opposed to Catholic Spain and Portugal). This e-book continues to be one of many few volumes on Tokugawa Ieyasu which pulls on extra fabric from eastern resources than quotations from the ecu files from his period and is hence even more exact and thorough in its exam of the lifestyles and legacy of 1 of the best Shoguns.

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Broadbent, for example (1998), points out shifts in the political opportunity structure to explain the evolution and impact of the postwar Japanese environmental movement. The positive contributions of Kitschelt and other pos theorists to the study of social movements notwithstanding, the concept of political opportunity structures is open to criticism as a deductive analytical device. ” As Gamson and Meyer argue, the notion of opportunity structure “threatens to become an all-encompassing fudge factor for all the conditions and circumstances that form the context for collective action” (Gamson and Meyer 1996:275).

As I argue in chapter 3, notions of consumer identity are particularly important in the Japanese case. In sum, the political opportunity structure and historical institutional perspectives complement each other in terms of the importance attached to the role of political institutions in shaping the nature and consequences of political participation by societal interests. They differ, however, in their research objectives, methodologies, and the range of variables incorporated into the analysis.

These contextual developments in turn had a profound effect on the resource configurations of private consumer advocates. For the first time in the movement’s history, advocates now had a number of powerful sympathizers and allies in the corridors of national power who were both willing and able to trumpet the consumer cause. The United States is unusual in this regard, for as we observed in chapter 1, organized consumer movements normally have trouble forging alliances with policymakers. It is important to remember, however, that the movement’s advances were attributable not so much to the power and savvy of movement advocates as to policy trends and the institutional configurations of the broader political system.

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