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By supporting moderate preparedness, the president could undercut the ’s plans to use the issue in the upcoming election of . An American military buildup would also enhance the nation’s status internationally and make it easier for Wilson to speak from a position of power in his dealings with the Germans over the submarine issue. His reversal on this issue, however, did not receive overwhelming support from Democrats in the House of Representatives. Kitchin, by this time the Democratic majority leader, particularly opposed it.

Like Ruth to Naomi, ‘Whithersoever thou goest, I will go. Thy people are my people and thy God, my God. ] We will not follow the suggestions of the gentleman from North Carolina [Mr. Kitchin]. In the position he has taken he does not speak for the people of the South. 1 Heflin’s denunciation of Kitchin contains many of the staple themes of selfconsciously southern rhetoric of the period: the appeal to the glorious Confederate past, the use of biblical quotes out of context, and above all, the evocation of manhood and honor—that no man born in the South would ever back down to the Kaiser.

Appointed secretary of state by President Wilson, Bryan broke with Wilson in  over the administration’s policy toward Germany. When Germany used submarines to blockade the British Isles and announced that ships violating that blockade would be sunk without warning, Bryan argued against confrontation. He thought that giving up some legitimate neutral rights, such as that of unimpeded trade, would be an acceptable sacrifice if it kept the United States out of the Great War. Nor did he believe that citizens of the United States effectively carried their own neutrality with them wherever they went.

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